The reason is simple — the cricket in India is run by powerful politicians from across political spectrum. Their bonhomie becomes evident on the cricket pitch as they forget their so-called political differences and joint hands to protect their supremacy over the game.

And it did not surprise me when there was not even a single political reaction when Delhi Police arrested three Rajasthan Royal players including Sreesanth, former Indian bowler, for alleged spot-fixing. Even the cricket league commissioner and minister for planning Rajeev Shukla suddenly went missing from television screens where he is omnipresent.

I wonder the reasons behind such a silence following breaking news of the biggest cricketing scandal in India after the match-fixing row of late 1990s. The matching fixing case had resulted in long term ban on many well-known cricketers of the day. And, if the investigators of that match fixing case are to be believed the rot was deep inside both India and South African cricket teams but no action could be initiated against other players because of lack of evidence.

Delhi Police which busted the matching fixing racket involving several bookies in Delhi, Mumbai and Dubai, like the spot-fixing one, went berserk with their claims. Around 15 years later the police have not been able to file a charge-sheet against even a single player it accused of taking money to fix matches. And nobody had asked the police why it failed to file the charge-sheets after hogging the media limelight for months. Probably, the power of cricket mandarins had worked as most of these cricketers are back in business.

The power of political heads of cricketing bodies in India including NCP chief Sharad Pawar and leader of opposition in Rajya Sabha Arun Jaitley was evident when then sports minister Ajay Maken was stone-walled from pushing the National Sport Development Bill, which aimed to make the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI) accountable to country’s topmost legislative and accountability body the Parliament of India. The bill also aimed to making the business of cricket more transparent by bringing it under the Right To Information (RTI) Act.

The Union Cabinet asked him to re-draft the bill, which never happened, and it went into deep-deep freeze. Many in the political circles also believe that Maken lost his sports portfolio to relatively junior and first time MP Jitendra Singh, who has also not promised to clean the dirty game after the spot-fixing scandal.

The only politico who has spoken is Lok Janshakti Party chief Ram Vilas Paswan who wants the government to ban the T20 cricketing league. But the single MP party does not carry any weight to move the UPA to initiate proper investigation against the league.

I have said that the league is a scam because it is difficult to believe that a bowler can promise a certain number of runs in an over without the batsman being part of the deal.

If a bowler promises to do certain things in a particular over what is the need for signal. To me, it would create an unnecessary suspicion on him. I am not saying that three players arrested are framed but then there is definitely more than what meets the eye. Let’s wait for the investigation to get over and then a better analysis would be possible. But, I am sure that nobody will touch or question the powerful top bosses of the cricket bodies in India like in the past.

(NOTE: The official name of the T20 cricketing league has not been used because of legal constraints)

Can prostitution curb one’s hunger for sex and reduce rapes?

This is a tricky question which none of our policy-makers want to discuss. The reason is obvious. In a country running on a high moral façade, such issues are not discussed in open as it could hurt our middle-class sentiments. No politician or policy-maker could be seen siding with sex workers as their profession is considered out-rightly dirty and demeaning for the society.

To me, allowing prostitution in a dignified manner can check increasing number of rapes. In most of the rape cases, the accused are migrants who have left their families back home and have come to cities for work. The obvious human urge for sex many a times drives them wild and results in a rape as the option of paid sex is not available.

The government in the past through amendments in the Immoral Trafficking Act had made availability of paid sex difficult even though prostitution is neither banned nor legalised in India. As per the law, the client can be booked for seeking sexual service, thereby prohibiting the profession indirectly. It works on a flawed analogy that if there is no business, prostitution will end on its own.

It has not happened because there is a demand for paid sex even though the fear of lathi-wielding lurks around.

Around mid-night, a few days ago, when I was on my way home, I saw a sparkle of moonlight at a bus-queue shelter on the outskirts of Delhi at GT Karnal road bypass. I slowed my car and turned left to see what that sparkle was all about. A thinly clad young girl with over-done make-up was waiting, probably for a client.

She was alone and there was no pimp to bring business for her.

Research papers on prostitution released in Denmark recently showed that most of the sex workers opt for the profession on their own and are not trafficked as proclaimed by policy-makers against legislation of sex work. Extreme poverty and aspiration for better life were some of the reasons given for women agreeing to flesh trade.

The girl was probably one person, who was doing sex work on her own. I cannot say it convincingly as I did not stop to ask her. My typical middle-class mentality probably prevented me and later, when I thought about it, I reached this conclusion.

Had the government allowed prostitution at designated places, the girl may not have been endangering her life at wee hours of the night. It could also have been easier for sex hungry migrants to satisfy their urge without the fear of prosecution or shame and could have probably saved some minors from brutal sexual assault.

There are many arguments against legalising prostitution including its adverse impact on families and the younger generation. Some of these apprehensions may be true and are based on empirical research in the developed economies. But, one should not forget that the British allowed prostitution for its migrant labourers in the industrialisation era. Whether it resulted in better industrial productivity and lesser sex driven rapes would remain an issue of debate and discussion.

Former Delhi Police Commissioner KK Paul, in an article in Hindustan Times this week, hinted at the link between migration and rapes and offered his policing solutions for it. Allowing prostitution in localities with high density of migrants can be a sociological solution to the growing menace of rape. Why not consider this option too!

That was former chief justice JS Verma for me. Down to earth, humble, no chip on shoulder man and a hard taskmaster.

There was not even a grin on his forehead when Aruna Roy asked him to translate some of the testimonies, which in any other function would have been the job of a junior-most organizer. He smiled, stood up and went ahead with the job given to him.

Verma was the only person on the dais who heard all the testimonies of the poor seeking better life. Many other sat for an hour and left after delivering a speech.

It may be because Justice Verma could relate himself with their plight as he came from a humble background.

When time came to deliver the judgment, he like in his long cherished legal career made no-holds barred attack on our governance models and how it was rotting by each passing day.

That was characteristic of his style as in the past he had also been critical of his judicial colleagues for indulging in unethical practices which has put the judiciary in a bad light.

Justice Verma died on Monday after a brief illness in Delhi.

Some glimpse of his strong character and his understanding of the rotten Indian system was visible in his report to the government on stronger anti-rape law, which he delivered within time.

Although many of his recommendations related to rape laws were accepted by the government, the others on electoral reforms, child rights and women empowerment are still gathering dust in the government corridors.

If the UPA government and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who applauded “his fierce commitment to the public good”, really wants to pay tribute to the noble soul then they should implement his committee’s recommendations on electoral reforms.

What Verma had said on electoral reforms was reiteration of recommendations of several government committees and the election commission in the past.

But, the government had steadfastly remained unmoved knowing well that it would make contesting elections difficult for Indian ruling class who remain embroiled in charges of corruption and crime.

Around 30 % of the elected representatives in assemblies and the Parliament have a criminal case pending against them.

Justice Verma in his report even told the government the way out to push electoral reforms. He suggested specific amendments in various laws to make contesting polls difficult for corrupt and crime tainted politicians.

The UPA government, as I was told, had not moved an inch since the recommendations were made.

To me, real tribute to Justice Verma would be if the civil society activists and media can force the government to implement some of the electoral reforms suggested by him before the general elections in 2014.

Both of them believe that extending largesse to the industry would result in automatic socio-economic benefits to a large section of population.

In theory, the proposition seems sound. In practical, it does not happen.

The reason is simple —- the industry hawks believe in filling their coffers and not sharing more than what is required to run the business with a large section of population.

Their approach does not change even at the time of slowdown. The corporate world looks at ways to retain their profit margin even if it hurts a large section of society through high inflation despite liquidity crunch in the market. What else can be the reason for 5 million Indians losing their jobs between 2004-05 and 2009-10.

Manmohan Singh led UPA government had been quick to criticise Gujarat government’s economic growth model, which Modi had tried to sell hard in the last month or so since his prospect of being BJP’s prime ministerial candidate has blossomed. Frankly speaking I don’t think that BJP will make Modi PM if it comes to power in 2014.

The UPA government had said Modi’s growth model has benefited select industries and not the deprived and the poor in Gujarat. Factually, it is correct. The gain of Gujarat’s economic growth model has not been inclusive as large sections of the society have been left out.

Manmohan-Montek’s number centric growth model faces similar malaise. The National Sample Survey (NSS) data shows that inequality between the richest 10% and the poorest 10% population in India widened between 2004-05 and 2009-10.

A closer look at the NSS data shows that the trickling down effect of the 8-9% economic growth has been inadequate. Reason the government did not create capacity at the lower strata of the society to gain economically and socially from growth. What they got was just leaked drops from a full tank.

No one better than noted Bangladeshi economist and nationalist Rehman Soban summed up the failure of Manmohan Montek model, which he termed market oriented. “They believe that the poor are with us and having some social provisioning for them will help in retaining them,” he said at a function in Delhi at presence of Ahluwalia, who did not retort his claim.

Instead, Ahluwalia for the first time admitted that lower economic growth could mean more socio-economic models for all. He may have in mind the Bangladesh growth model where average growth rate of 5-6% caused bridging of inequality and poverty alleviation.

Within India, another BJP ruled state Madhya Pradesh presents a better inclusive growth model than Gujarat. The state ruled by not so media savvy, Shivraj Chauhan, had witnessed higher dip in maternal mortality and infant mortality rates that the national average. The rate of poverty reduction (in 2009-10) in Madhya Pradesh was more than the industry’s darling Gujarat. Just good implementation of public distribution system and creation of health network did the trick. That has not happened in Modi’s Gujarat, where emphasis had been on development of infrastructure for industry.

What triggered my writing on this aspect was an oblique reference of the Prime Minister’s Office reference that Gujarat development model was not the best for Bihar to adopt. Modi had suggested in Kolkata earlier this week that Bihar should take leaf from Gujarat’s development. I wondered at the PMO’s negation as both Modi and Manmohan models are based on similar principles.

Then, as we now India, criticism is just for sake of it in politics.

Instead, he opted to take the business leaders obliquely for failure to listen to aspirations of common Indians and share their wealth with the deprived. When he said that “we should empower a billion Indians” to solve the problems facing the country Gandhi was apparently referring to the non-inclusive approach of the industry.

The Indian industry has been repulsive to the UPA government’s bid for affirmative action in the private sector meaning more jobs to the deprived sections such as scheduled caste, tribes and minorities, who constitute about 40% of India’s population.

So far, the Indian companies have not come out with any data on special effort to become inclusive for the youth of these deprived sections. There is no structured training to help youth from weaker sections to benefit from India’s booming industry.

The jobs mostly available for them are at the lowest levels with very little opportunity to move up the ladder clogged with typical Indian caste and creed mindset. And it is a reason for one’s inability to spot even a Chief Executive Officer (CEO) from weaker sections managing any of the major Indian companies.

The non-inclusive nature of the Indian industry can be gauged from its refusal to share data with the Sachar Panel on employment of minorities. They would also refuse to share similar data on employment of scheduled caste and scheduled tribes on account of independence and accountability only to their share-holders, not people of India.

Gandhi rightly wanted the business leaders to be “compassionate” because in the past they have been ruthless in destroying livelihoods for profit making.

A government survey released on Friday said that tribes lost access to minor forest produce – contributes to half of their income – worth Rs. 400 crore in three years – 2009 to 2011 – on account of diversion of forestland for industry.

Despite being the most mineral rich and industry intensive areas, India’s tribal belt is a national shame. Half of the tribal falls below the abysmally low poverty line. They have highest rate of child malnutrition, infant and maternal mortality among any social groups. If the industry had been inclusive in real sense the picture for them would had been much rosier.

There is also inherent conflict in Gandhi’s mantra of “listening to people” with the UPA’s economic policies. The government in the last two years had turned deaf towards protest of its policies and had stonewalled the dissenting voice in the name of fostering economic growth.

Noted social activist Aruna Roy had repeatedly said people’s voice remains unheard in public policy framework. The UPA government had failed to make mandatory for its departments to hold consultations with people on important policy issues despite recommendation by Sonia Gandhi led National Advisory Council.

The economic policies pursued by the UPA have caused widening of poor-rich divide because of unequal distribution of wealth generated, another contradiction with Gandhi’s philosophy. The UPA, in fact, had helped the industry more than common people of India.

Gandhi may have made all correct noises for 1.2 billion Indians to prosper together but the big unanswered question is whether the present political-bureaucratic system will allow him to implement his mantra.

The government had spent Rs 3,51,000 crore on building dams and reservoirs over major rivers since 1950s but it had not resulted in any significant addition of land to the irrigation network.

So, where has the money gone?

Some of it has been used for building new dams and for maintaining the existing reservoirs and irrigation channels. But, a huge chunk might have been siphoned off in the name of providing irrigation facilities to farmers as has happened in Maharashtra.

The government’s strategy of building big dams to improve agriculture production has not worked.

The Planning Commission in its 12th plan document says that there was definite limits to the role big dams can play in providing economically viable irrigation potential.

A recent World Bank study has pointed out that ‘there is little value to additional storage in most of the peninsular river basins (the Kaveri, Krishna and Godavari) and in the Narmada and Tapti.

Similarly, a study by the International Water Management Institute (IWMI) shows that Krishna and Kaveri have reached full or partial closure, says the plan document.

Another IWMI study quoted by the planning commission shows that in the Krishna river basin, the storage capacity of major and medium reservoirs has reached total water yield, with virtually no water reaching the sea in low rainfall years.

Studies have also shown that building of dams on rivers has its adverse impact on local hydrological and climate conditions.

Huge water reservoirs cause increase in humidity resulting in change in local temperature regimes, aggravating saline ground water intrusion and putting at risk delicate wetlands.

A data from the 12th plan document could summarise impact of dams on country’s water need. An additional 364 billion cubic meter of water is lost every year because of evaporation from these massive water storage sites.

The panel now believes that building large-scale irrigation development in India is not an answer to country’s rising water woes. Maharashtra is an epitome of the failure.

It is a state with highest number of large dams in the country and most of them were built after 1972 drought. Despite these dams coming up in 17 drought prone districts, the government has described 2012-13 as worse drought than 1972. That is when half of these drought hit districts have received more rainfall than what they did in 1972.

If the water management data is analysed, only two inferences can be drawn from Maharashtra experience. First, the dams have failed to deliver and second, the government had diverted the water meant for irrigation to big industrial projects.

The first inference is valid for most parts of India and second partially. This does not mean that politicians would be held accountable for the grave lapse.

However, poor farmers would continue to suffer. That is the modern India for you and me.

Former Supreme Court judge and chairman of Press Council of India Markandey Katju provided an escape route to Dutt by suggesting that he can file a pardon petition with Maharashtra Governor to waive off the sentence. The entire Bollywood joined Katju bandwagon and sought the pardon.

One could see on television Bollywood glamour dolls shedding ‘fake’ tears for Dutt, who is not as innocent as being made out by media. His involvement was much more than just trying to protect his family and he had helped the accused in 1992 Mumbai bomb blast indirectly (read Indian Express).

The case taking almost 20 years to reach finality cannot be a reason for going soft on Dutt. Criminal is a criminal in eyes of law and there cannot be another set of rules for him.

The case may have been going on for 20 years but Dutt has spent only 18 months in jail and the government has been more than soft with him. His acquittal under TADA was never challenged in the higher courts – a rarity for the government in bomb blast cases.

Despite the brazen evidence against Dutt, Justice Katju decided to speak in his favour.

The distinguished former judge had, however, failed to speak in same tone and tenor about thousands of inmates languishing in Indian jails for failure of judicial system failing to deliver justice in time. Or about suffering families of persons who are acquitted after facing trial for decades.

Lives are wasted because of our decaying judicial system. Respected judges of Supreme Court like Mr Katju have failed to improve the situation. An example of the rot is a recent case from Bihar. A person got back his land in a case filed by his grandfather. It is not unusual that generations suffer because of our slow and tardy judicial process. But, nobody is there to speak about millions of such Indians, who do not have a celebrity tag.

But for Dutt there is a sudden outpour of sorrow to indicate that the Supreme Court has done grave injustice to him. From politicians to cine stars want the law of land to be turn to provide reprieve to Dutt. You would see in coming days that a pardon petition for Dutt would be filed with the Maharashtra Governor and should not be surprised if it is accepted.

Many right minded activists like my old friend and former information commissioner Shailesh Gandhi had initiated a campaign to dissuade the Maharashtra Governor from pardoning Dutt. “Friendship with Dawood Ibrahim and the underworld, and getting 3 AK-56 rifles, 9 magazines, 450 cartridges, a 9mm pistol and over 20 hand grenades from them are signs of Desh Prem and Gandhigiri. I am sure citizens will request pardon for the lakhs of people who are suffering as under-trials – since the Courts are unable to decide their cases – since their only fault is poverty,” Gandhi said in his Facebook post, which has triggered an online campaign to seek justice for inmates languishing in jails.

There are many who agree with Katju. An online petition has been initiated at Change.org for seeking pardon for Dutt on the ground that he is a reformed man and he has already paid debt to his society. “This petition is important because this verdict has unfortunately affected a reformed man who has not only suffered an ordeal for 20 years but also served a sentence for it,” the online petition says.

The guys who sign this petition should think whether the same logic should not have been applied in case of Afzal Guru, who suffered for more than 10 years in jail and was finally hanged. Or for another Kashmiri, Sayed Liyakat Shah, who apparently became victim of police’s brutal power while on his way back to Kashmir on the flimsy ground of planning a terrorist attack in Delhi.

Sadly, no Bollywood star or television anchor speaks for such people. Simply, because in practice we have different yardsticks for applicability of same law – one, for the influential rich and another for the poor.

The government’s dilly-dallying on the age of consent and stricter punishment for juveniles has caused consternation among law enforcers who believe that the government wants to put something in place hurriedly without vigorous consultation process.

Less than a year ago, the UPA government had notified 18 years as age of consent for sex after deliberating on the issue for years. In 2005, a Parliamentary Standing Committee had raised the issue of conflict in different Indian laws on age of consent. After almost seven years, the government increased the age of consent to 18 years.

It took the horrible Delhi gang rape case of 2012 and a few women activists that the UPA government changed its stand and now wants the age of consent to be 16 years. Personally, I believe it is some sort of course correction for the government to protect the young ones from undue pressure from parents and khap panchayats.

Such dramatic changes in a short span of time only create confusion and problem for law-makers. The big question remains what would happen to young people between 16 and 18 years who may have been booked for rape during the period the age of consent was 18 years.

Will they get some reprieve from the courts once the government notify the age of consent to 16 years? Most jurists would say it would not be possible as law of the day is applicable and any law cannot be enforced retrospectively. So, a gross injustice would have been done with them and the blame would fall on the totally confused government.

Equally important question is about the age of juveniles in law. Should it be 16 or 18 years?

Two accused in Delhi gang rape case being below 18 years has played an important role in government willing to reduce the age of juveniles to 16 years contrary to the global practice of defining all those below 18 years as children.

One-off incident cannot become a reason for tinkering with a well tested and laid out principle. The government has neither done any sociological research nor have data to prove that juveniles between 16 to 18 years can decide like an adult. There have been studies to show juveniles in this age bracket have been influenced by adults, directly or indirectly, in committing the crime.

The most upsetting aspect of recent move of the government to change rape laws is that the decisions are based more on appeasing the popular sentiment than rationale and scientific temper. And, the probable reason is India’s poor crime research.

It’s victims are just not intellectual-celebrities like Ashish Nandy, who was forced to withdraw his comments at Jaipur Lit Festival, but even social activists, who find their voice not being heard, either in the government or in the media.

The huge people clamour after gang rape of a girl in Delhi and subsequent Justice JS Verma’s report did not augur well with the government. The UPA government brought an Ordinance on making some superficial changes in penal law for rape cases without moving an inch ahead on reforming the system that can assure more safety on roads and in homes — core of the Justice Verma report.

The reason is apparent.

The bureaucracy does not want to lose its power inherited from the British system by pursuing people-friendly reforms. Any change in rules to make decision making process more participatory and transparent will result in babus losing their discretionary powers. In the present circumstances, they will never allow people’s voice of dissent to be heard.

The sad aspect of Indian democracy is their stranglehold over our highly uneducated political class. Many politicians refuse to question bureaucrat’s intellectual ability just because they are better versed with government rules and have ability to throw an obscure rule to shut them up.

To me, bureaucrats are the real villains behind slow poisoning of an important aspect of freedom of speech — right to dissent with the government. Sadly, no one dares to pull the plug on them.

These words are mine but the essence comes from two former bureaucrats turned social activists — Aruna Roy and Harsh Mander. Both, rightly, feel that space for dissidence was sharply falling in India.

Another important aspect of this is the shrinking space in India is media, whose part I am.

Most media organizations today are either pro-government or anti-government. There is nothing called striking a balance between two aspects for sake of people. No media organisation today is providing a balanced view to its audience. May be, because courageous editors are now extinct and the media organizations are being run by editor sitting in corporate offices.

Media has an important role to play in dissenting voice to be heard. Because, right minded journalists have ability to present dissent in right perspective — not available with scary social media.

The reason: no channel for moderation of extreme and dangerous views is available with the social media. The one’s who can shout and use filthiest languages are heard most in social media — its biggest danger. Media organizations does moderation provided corporate balance sheet is not the driving force behind such organizations.

I don’t think that social media is an answer to our right to heard but changing the bureaucratic and media mindset is the key for protecting the democratic right enshrined in our Constitution.

Three major tiger and leopard body part hauls in different districts of Nepal in the month of January has triggered panic among the wild-lifers who claim that the recent seizures show that the magnitude of tiger killing in India is much more than reflected in the government’s official records.

The government has claimed that around 80 tigers were killed in India including for poaching in 2012 whereas the seizures of tiger body parts in the year was much higher.

The biggest hauls of recent times came on January 12 when Nepal police seized five tiger skins and about 114 kilograms of tiger bones in bags in Nawakot district very close to Tibet border.

The body parts were being smuggled through a van meant to transport rice for the underground Chinese big cat medicine industry and two persons were arrested in this connection.

The tiger skins and plastic bags containing bones were hidden under rice sacks, officials said after the seizure.

A day earlier, in Gorkha district about 160 km west from capital city of Kathmandu, Nepal police arrested with Tibetans with two tiger skins and 53 kilograms of tiger bones.

They were arrested while they were trying to smuggle the tiger parts to Tibet, China, officials said.

On January 27, the Nepalese authorities seized three leopard skins in Kanchanpur district of Nepal, which is very close to fine home of tigers in India, Uttarakhand.

Tigers in Corbett National Park in the state had been under stress for some time because of increasing poaching threat in the tiger reserve having highest tiger density in the country.

Anil Baluni, former vice-chairperson of Uttarakhand Forest Advisory body, believes that tiger syndicates were operating in Nepal and the Indian government has not effectively taken the issue with the Nepalese government to crush these organised groups in the area of wildlife crime.

“There is a sense that smuggling of tiger body parts into Nepal has become easy in the last few months,” he said.

The seizures in Nepal had some sort of relation with highest deaths of tigers in India in a decade.

As many as 89 tigers died in 2012 in 41 notified tiger homes in India with poaching incidents reported from reserves in Maharashtra to Kerala and Assam.

One cannot ignore the fact that though tiger poaching catches attention of everyone similar killing of other wildlife including rhinos most goes unnoticed with little official reaction.

This is primarily as there is no standard protocol for fighting wildlife crime even though National Wildlife Crime Bureau has been set up.

Fighting wildlife will not be possible if India does not have an integrated system of sharing information on poaching and killing and operation of wildlife crime syndicates.

Wildlife smuggling in the world is said to be fourth biggest after illegal arms, drugs and human trafficking.

Tackling it would require an integrated approach rather than working in silos as it is happening in India.